Morphology: the form and grouping of words

verbs
pronouns
nouns

The verb

Verbs can be defined as those words in the language that can combine with pronominal subject affixes (either prefixes or infixes, see below). Pronominal subject affixes express the number, person and gender of the subject. The word mám ‘see’, for example, is a verb because it can combine with a pronominal prefix, as in the following example, where it combines with the pronominal prefix ya- ‘1SG’ or ‘I’:

ya-mám
1SG-see
‘I see’

Some verbs combine with pronominal prefixes, which precede the verb stem, while other verbs combine with pronominal infixes, which – as it were – are realized within the verb stem. Whether a verb combines with prefixes or infixes depends partly on the shape of the verb stem. In the table below, the different patterns are illustrated.

In the rightmost column we see that verbs beginning with a vowel always combine with prefixes. The verb srow ‘meet’ in the second column, on the other hand, shows how verbs that begin with two consonants (that is: a consonantal cluster) combine with prefixes too, although these prefixes are slightly different from the prefixes in the rightmost column. For verbs that begin with a consonant plus a vowel, however, a Biak speaker must learn the pattern by heart. Some of these verbs, like the verb mar ‘die’ in the table below, combine with a set of prefixes (the same set as we saw for cluster-initial verbs) while other CV-initial verbs combine with a set which contains both prefixes and infixes. An example of the latter type is given with the verb so ‘ throw’, which for the 2nd person combines with an infix <w> and for the 3rd person with an infix <y>, leading to the form s<w>o ‘you throw’ and s<y>o ‘he follows’, respectively.

	CONSONANTAL PATTERN		MIXED PATTERN	VOCALIC PATTERN
	CC-initial	CV-initial		V-initial
root	srow	mar	so	árok
meaning	‘meet’	‘die’	‘throw’	‘be.straight’
1sg	*ya-*srow	*ya-*mar	*ya-*so	y-árok
2sg	wa-srow	wa-mar	s<w>o	w-árok
3sg	i-srow	i-mar	s<y>o	d-árok
1du.ex	*nu-*srow	*nu-*mar	*nu-*so	*nuy-*árok
1du.inc	*ku-*srow	*ku-*mar	*ku-*so	*kuy-*árok
2du	mu-srow	mu-mar	mu-so	*muy-*árok
3du	*su-*srow	*su-*mar	*su-*so	*suy-*árok
3pc	*sko-*srow	*sko-*mar	*sko-*so	*sk-*árok
1pl.exc	*nko-*srow	*nko-*mar	*nko-*so	*nk-*árok
1pl.inc	*ko-*srow	*ko-*mar	*ko-*so	k-árok
2pl	*mko-*srow	*mko-*mar	*mko-*so	*mk-*árok
3pl.an	*si-*srow	*si-*mar	*si-*so	s-árok
3pl.inan	*na-*srow	*na-*mar	*na-*so	n-árok

As can be seen in the table above, the Biak language makes a number of distinctions that are not made in English.

First, in the first person plural (‘we’), a difference is made between inclusive and exclusive ‘we’. An inclusive ‘we’ includes the persons that the speaker talks to, while an exclusive ‘we’ excludes them. The inclusive expression ko-kaver ‘1PL.INC-return’, for example, can be used when a speaker proposes to the person(s) with whom he is talking to leave together with him, as in the English rendering ‘come, let’s leave!’ The exclusive expression nko-kaver ‘1PL.EX-return’, on the other hand, can be used when the people being talked to are not included, as I the English rendering ‘goodbye, we are leaving!’

Second, Biak not only has a singular and a plural, but also a dual and a paucal. The singular is used to refer to one single subject, as in ya-disen ‘I sing’. Biak people use the dual to refer to subjects consisting of exactly two objects or persons, while the paucal is used for smaller groups of three to five objects or persons, or other groups which are perceived as small. The plural, finally, is used for larger groups.

Biak verbs have no formal tense distinction, so that the temporal interpretation of the verb can be made up only from the context of the utterance. To give an example, the verb r<y>a ‘<3sg>go’can – among other possibilities - be translated as ‘(s)he went’, ‘(s)he has gone’, ‘(s)he was going’, ‘(s)he is going’, ‘(s)he goes’, or ‘(s)he will go’.

The pronoun

The following table gives the form of the free personal pronouns, and compares them to the pronominal affixes on the verb (cf. the section on verbs), as well as to the pronominal articles that are used to close off a noun phrase (cf. the section on noun phrases).

	free personal pronoun	pronominal affix			pronominal article (specific)
	free personal pronoun	set 1	set 2	set 3	pronominal article (specific)
1sg	aya	ya-	y-	ya-	?/=ya-i
2sg	aw	wa-	w-	<w>	=aw-ya/=aw-i
3sg	i	i-	d-	<y>	=ya/=i
1du.inc	ku	ku-	ku-	ku-	=ku-ya / =ku-i
1du.ex	nu	nu-	nu-	nu-	=nu-ya / =nu-i
2du	mu	mu-	mu-	mu-	=mu-ya / =mu-i
3du	su	su-	su-	su-	=su-ya/=su-i
3pc	sko	sko-	sk-	sko-	=sko-ya/=sko-i
1pl.inc	ko	ko-	k-	ko-	=ko-ya / =ko-i
1pl.ex	inko	(i)nko-	(i)nk-	(i)nko-	=inko-ya / =inko-i
2pl	mko	mko-	mk-	mko-	=mko-ya / =mko-i
3pl.an	si	si-	s-	s-	=s-ya/=s-i
3pl.inan	na	na-	n-	n-	=na

The question mark indicates that no data are available at this point.
The infix –w- is not realized after stems that begin with a bilabial, in accordance with a general rule in the language that avoids the sequence of two syllable-internal bilabials. The sequence of bilabial v plus the infix –w- is realized as [b], as in badir '2sg-make.known' from vadir + -w- 'make.known'.
The variant i is found in prepausal position.

Singulars are used for reference to single entities, duals for reference to two entities, the paucal for small groups, while the plural is used for larger groups. Inclusive pronouns include the Addressee, while exclusive pronouns refer to the Speakers only. Compare the following two examples:

ko-ra
1pl.inc-go
‘let’s go!’

nko-ra
1pl.ex-go
‘we ‘re leaving!’

In the first example, all of the people that are addressed are included in the event of going. The second sentence, however, would be used when a person, as representative of a larger group, informs others, who are going to stay behind, that ‘we are leaving’.

The paucal is used for reference to three entities or more, as long as a group is considered 'relatively small'. Thus the paucal can also be used for groups of objects that are explicitly larger than three objects (bintang ri fik an-sko-i-ne 'star NUM.LNK seven GIV-3PC-SPC-this -> 'these seven stars').

For what are conceived of as 'larger groups', however, speakers use si when referring to animates, and na when referring to inanimates, a difference that is further discussed in the section on noun phrases.

The noun

Nouns can be defined as those words that

function as head of a Noun Phrase. As such they usually combine with a determiner
can function as (head of an) argument of a predicate (as subject or object)
can function as (head of) a complement of a preposition

These properties are illustrated in the following example, where harimau functions as the head of the Noun Phrase harimau=ya, with =ya as the determiner. The Noun Phrase functions as the subject of the predicate dors ‘3sg-stand’. Apyadwar is head of the Noun Phrase apyadwar=i, which in turn forms the complement of the preposition ro.

(70)	Ras	oso	*harimauya*	dors	ro	apyadwari.
	ras	oso	harimau=ya	d-ors	ro	apyadwar=i
	day	INDEF.SG	tiger=3SG.SPC	3SG-stand	LOC	cage=3SG.SPC
	'one day, a tiger stood in a cage'

The language has different ways of forming compounds. Most compounds are endocentric, which means that one of the parts of the noun can be analyzed as the semantic head, modified by the other parts. Whereas in many compounds the composing parts are also attested as separate words, this is not always the case. Examples of endocentric compounds are the following, where man, sar and in are not attested as separate words, but derive their specific meaning in the compounds formed by them.

rum os             house sago.leave         ‘house made of sago leaves’
rum farkor       house teach                 ‘school’
man sar           male old                      ‘old man’
in sar               female old                   ‘old woman’
randip vukor   pig head                      ‘head of pig’

A special type of compounds is formed by so-called exocentric compounds, where it is not possible to consider one of the two members as the head. Some examples are the following.

in 'female person'                              + ve        + swa 'spouse'                      ->            imbeswa 'wife and husband'
in 'female person'                              + ve        + sna 'mother'                      ->            imbesna 'mother and child(ren)'
in 'female person'                              + ve        + mebin 'aunt'                      ->            imbemebin 'cross-aunt and nephew(s)'
man' male person'                             + ve       + kpu 'grandparent'             ->           mambekpu 'grandfather with grandchild(ren)'

Nouns can be divided into proper nouns and common nouns, which in turn can be divided into animate versus inanimate, alienable versus inalienable and count versus mass nouns. For the properties of proper nouns, the reader is referred to Van den Heuvel (2006: 96).

The difference between count and mass nouns is apparent from a different interpretation of the plurality marker. While plural marking for count nouns has a rather straightforward function, its function for mass nouns is rather remarkable. For mass nouns, the singular is used to refer to what is perceived as a well-bound or well-located entity or substance, while the plural is used when it is not viewed as such.

An interesting example is given with the following two sentences:

( 91 )	Dék	raryáse,	swán	anya	vyebei.
	d-ék	rar-yás	swán	an-ya	v<y>e-bei
	3SG-go.up	to.o.there-up	palm.wine	GIV-3SG.SPC	<3SG>VBLZ-shell
	'When he went up again, the (containable for the) palm wine was empty.'

( 92 )	Mesrdi	dék	raryás	wer,
	mesr-ri	d-ék	rar-yás	wer
	day-ANAPH	3SG-go.up	to.o.there-up	again

swán	anya,	swán	ansya	sivro.
swán	an-ya	swán	an-s-ya	si-vro
palm.wine	GIV-3SG.SPC	palm.wine	GIV-3PL.AN-SPC	3PL.AN-gone
'The following day he went up again, the (containable of the) palm wine, the palm wine had gone.'

It is clear that in (91) reference is made to the containable containing the palm wine. In (92), a shift in perspective can be perceived. The Speaker first seems to focus on (wine as contained in) the containable, but continues by focussing on the wine itself. The sentence is repeated later on in the story, where we find the use of a plural, and not of a singular.

The difference between alienable and inalienable nouns has to do with the way in which possessive constructions are formed. For inalienable nouns, possession is expressed by prefixes and suffixes, as in vru-ri head-1sg ‘my head’, while for alienable nouns possession is expressed in a phrase. More on possession can be found in the section on possession.

Finally, the difference between animate and inanimate nouns is apparent only in the plural. As such, animate nouns and inanimate nouns differ in the anaphoric free pronouns with which they combine, in the marker of plurality at the end of a noun phrase, and in the inflectional marker on the verb. Roughly speaking, the class of animate nouns comprises all humans and animals, whereas the class of inanimates comprises all the other nouns. There are certain exceptions, however. In addition to its use for humans and animals, animate marking is also used in the following cases:

(a) For nouns referring to objects that are viewed as small, usually appearing in larger groups, and product of plant, tree or animal. Especially illuminating are nouns which may take either animate or inanimate marking, dependent on their meaning. Consider the following examples.

gula 'sugar'	imbyef (bon) 'banana (fruit)'.
kopi 'coffee'	bon '(pieces of) fruit'
te 'tea'	mor 'tuber'
ropum (bon) 'betelnut (fruit)'

The words gula 'sugar', kopi 'coffee' and te 'tea' are classified as animate when referring to the dry material - consisting of many small objects - but as inanimate when referring to the emulsion or solution. The nouns referring to fruits, like ropum, typically take animate marking when referring to smaller and younger fruits, and na when referring to bigger and older fruits. Animate marking is also used for all alcoholic drinks, or for certain small objects of metal or other valuable materials, like paku ‘nail’, kacamata ‘glasses’, or asyok ‘spoon’.

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